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Entered aeconiinf; to Act of ConRross, in tlic year 1867, by \Vm. Boyd, M. D., in the 
Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Columbia. 



INDEX TO CONTENTS. 



Pace. 

Preface v 

The Rights of Nations and Individuals 9 

King Andy's Biography ; or Andrew Johnson's Soliloquy 23 

" My Maryland ;" or the Slaveholder's Soliloquy 4] 

Sequel to Willie Dear -^3 

Note to Miss Anna E. Dickinson 45 

Miss Anna I'h Dickinson's Answer 46 

To Hon. T. D. Eliot, M. G. Thirty-seventh Congress 46 

Sequel to For Better, For Worse 49 

Portraiture of a Brother's Hypocrisy ; or the Chief of Hypocrites 53 

E.xplanation to Chief of Hypocrites 5T 

Letter of Apology, and Criticism of "My Policy" CO 

Blind Incredulity Rebuked 64 

The Enigma 69 

To Miss Cecilia Moran 70 



PRE FA civ 



The Rkader may be desirous to know what sufrgested the present essay 
to the mind of the writer ; and to satisfv those who may lie so curious, I pro- 
pose to give a short statement of the causes that led to its production. 

In the latter part of 1864, I joined the National Union Lyceum. It then 
met at 481 Ninth street west, but soon afterwards obtained the Aldermen's 
Chamber, City Hall, where it continued to meet until its dissolution (on 
account of political rancor) in the summer of 1866. A majority of its mem- 
bers were more inclined to be radical than otherwise ; but there were a small 
minority who were poisonouslj- secesh, and yet pretended to be Union men. 
They were Andy Johnson men to the core. 

It is now a matter of history that in April, 1864, it was proposed in the 
Senate of the United States to so amend the Constitution as to abolish slaver3- 
throughout the Union. It passed both Houses in the month of January, 1865, 
and was approved by that great good man, Abraham Lincoln, on February 
1st, 1865, just seventy-three days before his death, which occurred on the 
morning of April the l.'ith, 1865, from the effects of a wound inflicted by a 
pistol ball fired the night previous by the unparalleled assassin John Wilkes 
Booth. Immediately after its approval the amendment was sent out to the 
several States of the Union for the approval of their several legislatures: it 
was, therefore, for some time the great topic of the day, and was discussed 
by every newspaper and lyceum in the country. And in the Union Lyceum 
the following question was proposed, (as nearly as I can recollect without a 
record, ) viz : " Resolved, That the several States ought not to ratify the Con- 
stitutional Amendment abolishing slavery, proposed bj- Congress and ap- 
proved by the late Abraham Lincoln." I think the above question was dis- 
cussed aliout tiie first week in February of 186G, a short time before the 
famous 22d of February debut by " King Andy." I had the closing argu- 
ment in the negative, "and said that the amendment ought not only to be 
ratified by the States, but that Congress had the right by the war power to 
abolish slavery wherever it existed, and to force every foot of the territory 
lately in rebellion to give the right of suffrage to the colored man, and thereby 
force them to form republican governments; but a right to force every State 
in the Union to guarantee a republican form of government. That is, force 
every State in the Union, or that maj^ come in, to give the suffrage to avery 
loval and moral man and woman, without distinction of race or color." 



"And that tlie 'nc'tiiig' President, Andrew Johnson, was not to he 
trusted ; that democrats of his class were not to be trusted ; that they had 
brought on the war and deluged the countgj- in blood, in groans and tears; 
had brought on a rebellion to perpetuate and to enlarge slavery ; had cost the 
country almost countless millions of treasure, and hundreds of thousands of 
lives, and that in less than 10 years he would be at the head of a reactionary 
party — if he could — and try to ape Louis Napoleon, and become Emperor of 
the United States." To that end he would do everything he could do to 
bring on another civil war, or by having command of the army and navy so 
arrange it as to keep himself in the White House all his life, and in all proba- 
bilit}' declare his successor either by heirship or some other way equally as 
infamous.* I believe that a man who will not only violate his word but his 
oath, would be guilty of every species of villainy to retain a position once 
obtained, and more especially a position obtained through fraud and violence. 
Then the great question is, will the loyal people of these United States vote 
to continue a man in office who has violated every promise he has ever made ? 
Instead of punishing rebels he has given them all the aid he could, and that 
too in the most substantial manner. He has done all that he could to bring 
about another rebellion ; he has winked at the massacres of loyal citizens of 
this Republic, and just because thej' were loyal ; he has bargained with the 
enemies of constitutional law for the overthrow of every safeguard to freedom 
and liberty ; he has tried to make the people believe that the loyal men of Con- 
gress were traitors, and the cause of the many bloody massacres in the South ; 
yet knowing that he himself was the instigator of them by his notorious 22d 
of February oration, when he declared that from that day there would be a 
war of races. He then only publically declared what he always had been, the 
deadly enemy of the colored race. They will never forget his declaration on 
that day, nor his subsequent treatment of Fred. Douglas and party. 

Away with such a buffoon, 
Halt o' possum, half coon. 

The man who not only pardons by wholesale the meanest of all criminals, 
but who has pardoned men that they may give perjured evidence in fixvor of 
assassins that they may be set at liberty and thus fr-ustrate the ends of justice, 
is not to be, nor can he be, neither will he be longer trusted with place and 
power. Then let the republican watchword be, onward and upward, never 
faltering until every vestage of treason shall be rooted out of our political 
atmosphere, and until we shall have placed our country beyond the reach of 
treachery, and in the hands of the brightest star in the galaxy of our repub- 
lican men. As to why the soliloquys were written, I have only to say, that 
the slave-holder's soliloquy, " My Maryland," was suggested by the position 
that the slave-holders, and the aiders and abettors of that imtitution, held in 
regard to the Constitutional Convention of that State in 1864. They howled 
most piteously against the Congress for pro{)osing the " Amendment abolish- 
ing slavery ;" but at that time we had a loyal President who carried out the 
will of Congress, and their pet institution had to give way to "popular 
opinion." 

* I was that evening appointed essayist for that night two weeks, hence the pro- 
duction of the Riglitr^ of Nations and of Individuals. 



vu 

The other one, called "King Andy's Biography," or "Andrew John- 
son's Soliloquy," wiil explain itself without any from me. Those who are 
familiar with his presidential history, will, I hope, appreciate the production. 
The sequel to "Willie Dear," was written in the month of May, 1860, one 
evening while in cell No. 1, U. S. Penitentiary, D. C, where I was sent on 
the 11th day of February, 1860, sentenced to serve a term of fourteen years, 
tor having aided two slaves, George Ross and wife, in their attempt to escape 
from slavery. I hope, therefore, the reader will appreciate the feelings of a 
fond father under such circumstances, having been sent there by a perjured 
jury and a perjured judge, and none but traitors as my keepers ; some of 
whom went into the rebellion. I heard the warden, C. P. Sengstack, Sr., 
declare, that "if he had the power he would hang every d d black re- 
publican from Maine to California," and, said he, " their pet white nigger, 
Old Abe." The acrostic ou Miss Anna E. Dickinson, and her answer, will 
explain themselves — I being a delegate to the " Loyal Southern Philadelphia 
Convention," of September, 1866. 

Oh ! how beautiful that womanly voice, 
So superbly grand, and wittily choice ; 
Sweetness," ease, elegance, with polished grace, 
All beaming from that one beautiful face. 
Who would not a golden tribute pay, 
Or in truth's own battle think to say — 
That she, the most brilliant of her race, 
Would not bewitch you to your face ? 

To make this pamphlet come up to what I promised in my prospectus, I 

have added several interesting and original pieces by special request of several 

intimate friends. Each piece having an explanation appended thereto, it 

would be superfluous to mention them here. 

W. B. 



HUMAN KIGHTS, 

INDIVIDUAI, AND NATIONAL; 



4 he past, tlii; jJrcstnt, and the J-'utiirc 



NORTH AMERICAN REPUBLIC. 



riKOicATKn TO run 



FREE-TEINKERS AND PROGRESSIONISTS 

OF THE WORLD, 
By AVILI.I AlSl BOYD, M. D., 

A'4S )'//\q>in'fr. Are/tffc, H'afJnnrrtun, 7). C. 



AUGUST, 1867. 



12 

ervation t'voni the wild beasts of the forest iiiid the plain, 
and from the attacks of savage man ; to protect his mate 
and children ; and more especially to propagate his spe- 
cies, as there can be but little doubt tliat man in a wild 
and barbarous state would more fully develop his genera- 
tive functions in the natural way. But as time rolled on, 
and man became more developed, reason also became 
more active, and liaving an analytic mind he naturally 
asked himself the question, "Who has the right to take 
wdiat I gather or make ? Yea, I will kill him who dares to 
take what is mine. Hence the right of self-defence ; the 
same of is^ations as of individuals. 

As animal food became scarce and hard of pursuit, 
man, having reflection, naturally reflected on his situa- 
tion, and went in quest of other material ; hence man's 
discovery of vegetable food and the diflcrent arts of agri- 
culture, and the production of more than enongh to sus- 
tain life in any one given year. 

And as man not only had reflectioji, but invention and 
arrangement, hence his discovery ot the proper uses of the 
Pulley, the Screw, and theWedge, and the Wedge as a lever. 
Hence the great CTalileo of old said: "(live me a fulcrum 
upon which to rest a lever and I could move the "World." 
As it is in the mechanical, so it is in the moral, physical, 
and political world. Demosthenes only needed the nioral 
opportunity, and by liis vast powers of eloquence he 
moved all minds wdth whom he came in contact. So 
with Moses, (of Sinai,) CMPsar, Christ, Paul, Cromwell, 
Kapoleon, Pitt, Brougham, Vincent, Russell, Bright, 
Cobden, Adams, Clay, Webster, and a host of others. 

But to go back to man in his agricultural capacity, 
the question naturally arises, Has he a right to the soil so 
that he may cultivate it? And the answer comes spon- 
taneously. Yes, he has a right (o cultivate it and hold it 
in fee simple for future generations. Just so long as he 
continues to cultivate; but the moment he undertakes to 
plant poisonous weedG therein onlv, lio that it Vvill become 



useless or an injury to mankind, or throws it out of culti- 
vation, tlien his right to hold, sell, devise, or bequeath 
ceases from that moment; since others must come after 
him who will need land to till, that they too may grow 
food for themselves and posterity. 

Consequently a i^ation has no right that an Individual 
has not, and therefore no right to sell or hec[ueath the 
Vublic Domain. 

Earth, air, water, and light are the gifts of a bounteous 
nature to the animal world; therefore no man has a right 
to shut out the sunlight; to lock up all the beautiful riv- 
ulets, and make them cease to How, that all men may die 
of starvation and thirst; neither to command the moist- 
ening dews to keep in an elevated position, that they may 
not descend to cool the growing vegetable, so that it may 
in turn enter into the composition of man and thereby 
become a living and a thinking agent. 

Neither hath umn nor Nations a right to fence in the 
Worlif.^ Domain, and let no one live thereon or cultivate 
but those only who are able and who purchase the right, 
or upon whom the Nation may choose to bestow the priv- 
ilege to hold or to cultivate. If the Nation has the right 
to dispose of the Public Domain by sale or by bequest, it 
also has the right to issue its edict that no man shall 
plant his grain or till the soil, so that all the Nation may 
die. 

It is therefore num's right clearly, within the meaning 
of the above moral and logical deductions, lirst, to l^reathe 
pure air; secondly, to drink pure water; and thirdly, to 
cultivate the soil wherever there is room for him upon 
the lace of the Globe, so that he may live by its natural 
])roductions. Hence tlie cosmopolitan doctrine of a 
"citizen of the world." And therefore man's "right to 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," not merely 
in this hemisphere, but in all the World. 

It was only when the cunningness of man became so 
developed by analytic reasoning that he thought of tell- 



14 

ing his neighbors, whom he knew to be afraid of him, 
that he would protect and not rob them, if they made him 
an annual contribution. That was the commencement 
of the first Ruler. After awhile and the Rulers found it 
easy and taught their sons to follow in their footsteps, and 
many of them did so. And again, after a while, and 
yet another class of Rulers appeared, who by their shrewd- 
ness had observed that there was a tendency in man to 
believe in the wonderful and the marvelous, so they got 
up the mystic idea that they had seen things in a way 
that no other men could see but themselves, and by giv- 
ing it out that they had dreams by night and visions by 
day, and by talking smartly, that they could overawe and 
make the people afraid, and make them believe anything 
that they might choose to say. The latter class also 
found that the desire for the wonderful was of easy devel- 
opment, and therefore built temples to meet in ; and by 
and by it also became easy and profitable to its origina- 
tors, and they, more than the others, made the greater 
pretensions ; and therefore it too had to find a name, so 
they called it sacred. 

And as man became more developed in his moral, in- 
tellectual, and reflecting faculties and physical stamina, 
the more did the shrewd and reflecting develop their 
plans to rule the many ; hence the pretended divine right 
of Kings to rule. 

But it so happens that if man could use his genius for 
evil, he could also use his genius for good ; hence the 
important question, Who gave the right to rule? And 
man soliloquizes with himself. Have I not a right to help 
say who shall be my Rulers? And the little germ of 
Democracy gets turned over and over in the man's cra- 
nium until it has become a living principle, and he then 
communicates the idea to some confidential friend, and it 
gets still further communicated, until some great hero 
sees something in it much greater than the power of 
Kings. 



If) 

Therefore the lirst battle-field of any note where the 
divine right of Kings was questioned was that of " Gib- 
eon, where the Israelites had a great triumph over 
their foes, and gained possession of what they supposed 
to be the Promised Land." "And also the battle-field of 
Marathon, where the noble Greeks routed the hosts of 
Persia and preserved the freedom of their country." 
"And Bannockburn, noted for the defeat of the English 
by the Scotch army, under Bruce," where that noble 
people achieved immortal honor and almost perpetual 
independence by their heroic deeds of valor. 

"iror can we forget the noble struggles between des- 
potism and freedom, in almost all ages of their history, 
by the noble people of Switzerland, who, by their better 
nature, and thoughts of right, and noble aspirations for 
free government, have given a perpetual legacy of free 
institutions to all future generations." "Is"either must 
we forget Yorktown, the crowning struggle of the Rev- 
olutionary War, for independence of government on this, 
our beautiful continent." 

THE slave-holders' REBELLION. 

Neither can we, nor ought we to forget the gigantic 
struggles through which we have just passed; where 
nearly one million of hero martyrs have fallen a living 
sacrifice to despotism — for the preservation of all that is 
holy, noble, and great. "The graves of the martyrs are 
the seeds of liberty: and liberty is holy." But while 
we deplore so great a sacrifice for the cause of human 
liberty, we cannot but exult that, by the costly sacrifice, 
we have made five millions of human beings forever free. 

In every age of the World, and in every country, 
heroes have been found equal to the emergency. So it 
is that we hear of a Tell, a Cromwell, a Washington, and 
a Lincoln. 

We hear also of Alexander the Great, surnamed the 
Great because of his conquering qualities. If he was 



1() 

)i'roat because of his groat valor, or because of his being 
a wholesale murderer, and because he had no more 
worlds to conquer, then how much greater was the man 
who made five millions of slaves forever free, and then 
paid the martyr's price, by falling a living sacrifice to the 
madness of human bondage. Thus sealing forever with 
the stamp of glory, the martyr Lincoln, (the Greater,) 
the embodiment of true greatness, the man of worth, 
honesty, purity, integrity, and true patriotism, as well as 
Freedom's true representative. From his tomb shall arise 
the leven of free thought and true liberty; that liberty 
whose name is Holy. 

And also sealing forever with the stamp of inf:in\y, the 
assassin Booth, as the meanest of all assassins in the 
World's history. The meanest, because his victim was 
the representative of all that was noble and great in man. 
And he himself, the embodiment of all meanness, villainy, 
cupidity, selfishness, wickedness, barbarity, retrogression, 
avarice, wounded pride, malice, hatred, revenge, and the 
expiring and last struggle of the demon of black and 
white slavery ; rotton to its core ; (in la coreza, du la 
ooreza) ; yea, in its heart of hearts, and while in the zenith 
of its madness, supposed it could change the great pulsa- 
tions of freedom to that of gloating over so foul a 
deed: — yes, a crime without a parallel in the World's 
history. 

On him the curses of the ransomed millions hath 
already fallen; on him the contempt, the hate, the scorn, 
and the execrations of the present and the future, shall 
surely fall with unmistakable certainty. 

And, oh I how beautiful the thouglit, yea, how majes- 
tically doth the prophetic panorama of the future of this 
Republic appear to the right thinking mind. 

When, in the future ages, youth and silver-bearded sages 
will make pilgrimages to the grave of the martyred hero, 
Lincoln, there to learn the grand lesson of manhood, and 
to drink from the never-failing fountain of freedom to all. 



Then, brothcis, be not deceived. As it is with Indi- 
viduals, so it is with ISTations, The individual right is 
also a nation's right. 

Feeling assured that I have clearly shown the rights 
of man, in the individual man, so also with the nation. 
Then all men have a right to enjoy life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness; when, by the enjoyment of the 
above-numerated rights, they do not destroy the rights 
of others. Man has therefore a right to labor, and 
enjoy its fruits; a right to the productions of the soil, if 
he be a producer, if a non-producer, no right to have or 
eat that which other men make; a right to discover the 
easiest methods of labor; a right to conceive, invent, and 
construct the most approved methods of labor-saving 
machinery; but like earth, air, water, and light, they 
also should be free, for the obvious and simple reason 
that no man lives forever, neither can he live for himself 
alone, although he may think so in his narrow selfishness. 

Then all machinery, like land, air, water, and light, 
ought to be free, and ought to be held in fee-simple for 
future generations; that is, ought to be held by the State 
for man's benefit. And as machinery gets multiplied 
and improved, the less absolute labor man would have to 
perform, probably not more than two hours per day. He 
would then have plenty of time for mental, moral, and 
physical recreation. 

Man has a right also .to believe and practice whatever 
notions of a religious or moral character he pleases, or at 
whatever cost he may choose; but neither the individual 
man, nor the nation, has a right to enforce obedience to 
what they may believe to be a heaven-born standard of 
religion. I believe, and I think with good reason, that 
there should be no religious formulas of any kind; and 
more especially, if it should appear that there was one 
dissenting voice; that is, one voice against the enforce- 
ment of any religious dogma in the public schools, such 
as the reading of any particular book, or any other for- 



mala that might have a tendency to disable the free- 
thinker from sending his or her children to school where 
such formulas are observed. Since our Republic is made 
up of every variety of thinkers in the world, religious 
formulas ought not to be tolerated under any pretence 
whatever, because they tend to slavery of thought. 

Nay, more ; it may therefore be held, from previous con- 
clusions, that the tillers of the soil, and the producers of 
the material comforts, and wealth, are the true nobles of 
the earth: and that, if any have a right to life, liberty, 
and the pursuits of happiness, they have that right. It 
is, therefore, to me, clearl}'^ doubtful whether non-produ- 
cers ought to enjoy any of the above-enumerated rights 
at all. If I am asked who they are, I will answer their 
names are legion, and an incubus to any people; they are 
those who live by theatricals, mountebanks, the manufac- 
turers of, and venders of, alcoholic liquors, and tobacco, 
in all their forms, and Presidents, who do nothing but 
write vetoes, and clog the wheels of Government. With 
me such creatures are utterly useless, nor do I see their 
right even to life itself. Much less do I see any claim 
that a Traitor has to any of the above-enumerated rights. 
He is not only in the class of non-producers, but has 
been guilty of every crime known to man, such as com- 
mon theft, house-breaking, arson, murder, treason — all of 
these by wholesale. Then where is his "right to life, lib- 
erty, or the pursuit of happiness." If there is such a 
thing as a man forfeiting such rights, then he, above all 
others, has forfeited every right to life. 

"Be not deceived by idle words.' Liberty is not a 
mere placard to satisfy the idle and the curious by read- 
ing it at the corners of the streets. It is a living power, 
felt within and around us ; it is the protecting genius of 
the domestic hearth; the safeguard of all our social and 
political rights ; yes, it is the first of these rights. And the 
oppressor who clothes himself with the name of liberty is 
the worst of oppressors. He joins fnlsehood to tyranny, 



injustice to j^rofanation, and sacrifices trutli on the altar 
of perjury; for the name of Liberty is holy." "Guard 
against such men who say, liberty, liberty, and destroy it 
by their works." They are traitors, and deserve neither 
life nor happiness. 

Sometimes "the desire for preferment in a Republic 
will make men lie, that they may obtain position ; and 
when once obtained will be guilty of every subterfuge to 
retain their position. In this we have a good example 
afforded us in the illustrious Tennessee Moses, who de- 
clared "he would be the bondman's protector," and 
lead him through the Red Sea of oppression to the Ca- 
naan of human freedom;" that he would hang traitors; 
but instead thereof, he now proposes to fatten them at the 
public expense by putting them upon the muster-roll of 
his famous Bread-and-butter Brigade, so that their fat- 
ness may be seen by the people and the loyal men of 
Congress, whom he is pleased to call Northern traitors. 
Such is the latter-day Tennessee "Moses, who leads his 
people through the Red Sea of oppression," by promises 
only, and who, instead of fulfilling (them) his promises, 
he so baffles the people on their way that he hopes to 
annihilate them. But I suppose jf they wait long enough, 
until their ranks are sufficiently thinned by the murder- 
ous attacks of the rebel minions of slavery, and until 
Moses the Second becomes the leader of the second 
Slaveholders' Rebellion, or in other words the Rebellion 
of the Democracy, as Jeff. Davis was of the first, he will 
save them ; but only as he would meat for their foes. 

And so great is the contrast between the lamented late 
President, Abraham Lincoln, and the President by chance, 
Andy Johnson, that the former was too honest to live, 
and the latter too dishonest to die. The former doing 
good to all, even his enemies ; the latter pretending great 
friendship to his former friends, but always giving per- 
manence of place to the worst of wool-dyed rebels. The 
one an honest man, who tells you just what he means; thb 



other like tlie hangman, who tells his victim that he only 
wants to examine his cravat, but at the same moment 
slips the noose over his victim's head and then strangles 
him. 

Oh I merey, Aloses. 

What a modern fancy Moses ! 

Is he therefore not the embodiment of caprice, hypoc- 
risy, and double-dyed egotism? lie is not, therefore, the 
representative of the Nation's greatness, but thi' embodi- 
ment of, and a conglomernte mass of, all nicanncss, as 
exliibited in one identity. 

Oh ! you modern fanc_v Moses: 
You make us hold our noses. 

This Moses bears comparison to but one man of anv 
imie. And in what lies his fame? In perjury and cor- 
ruption. Can a free people, who believe in national and 
in individual right, follow where he leads? ]S!o. Our 
mission is to form and to perpetuate a Republic such as 
nowhere else exists ; such as will represent every individual 
right, no matter how humble the ])easant; a Jiepul>lic 
that will never stoop to kiss the feet of any rotten Dy- 
nasty or perjured Potentate, as the ])ogus Southern Con- 
federacy did to the pe>'jurcd, corrupt, and rotten Louis 
J^apoleon, that it might form an alliance with the most 
corrupt and incorrigible scoundrel that ever held the des- 
tinies of the enlightened and generous people of France 
— a people through whom, by their mighty revolutions, 
the peoples of the Eartli cauglit tlio watf-hworrl of uni- 
A'crsnl liberty. 

THE KUTUHE OF TliK i;i:Pr liLIC. 

[f we may judge anything by appearances, and if we 
may have hope in the loyal millions to do their duty, and 
to do justice to individual right, the future of this Repub- 
lic will be of that stamina that the Nations of the Karth 
will fear her power and respect her ij:rentness. 



21 

Then shall i'dcntutes know thai. Deniocnu-y is not a 
taih'.rc: 

Then, in that merry, hopeful time. 

So full of poesy and sweet rhyme ; 

Then, Avhen the ransomed, untold miHioii^^, 

With merry hearts, shall dance their cotillions; 

Yea, when the millions, in 'their might, 

Shall have established every right ; 

And when Democratic knavery 

And the hydra-monster, Slavery, 

With all their concomitant ills 

Of rotten Confederate mudsills. 

That in the White House generate, 

And in the shape of vetoes emanate, 

Shall, by the votes of the weak and stout, 

Be from the White House clean'd out; 

Then, from the valley and mountain peak, 

The voice of man shall speak 

The words of truth and goodness, 

Instead of beastly Southern rudeness, 

Declare one Country and one home, 

From the Frigid to the Torrid Zone, 

And say, by gesture, voice, and song, 

That all to one Country belong; 

Yes, from Maine to the Pacific Ocean — 

That peculiar Yankee notion, 

A thini>: that Andv cannot see — 

That all are equal and free. 



Thus will Slavery and Southern knavery. 
With all its inflated and boasted bravery, 
and a bogus Democracy, with all its attendant evils, be 
brought to an end, and thus wipe out forever, by a 
mighty avalanche of free opinion and universal suffrage 
— an individual right — one of the foulest stains ever 
attached to a Xntion calling it'^elf free 



Then, not till then, will the Nations of the Earth bow- 
to thy greatness and fear thy power, when the canker- 
worm of Slavery, with all its concomitant ills, shall have 
been at an end. 

And by the fulcrum of moral might 
Put Slavery forever out of sight, 
And by the votes of the loyal and free 
Send Andy back to Tennessee. 

*La mas fuiica, buen pecho; a la President. 



* The greatest good will to the President. 



liiivo ^A^]vr>"ir'ss 



BIOGMIA^PI^Y; 



or: 



ANDREAV JOHNSON'S 



SOmijOQ."U"Y" ; 



on 



HIS COMPLETE CONFESSION OF SHIELDING 
SPXESSION AND MODE OF AGGRESSION. 



liy ^V11^X^1JlJ>I r50Vl>, lU. u.. 



'Mi 

.'Si 



King J.Bdtj'B Bixigraphtj; 



ANDREW JOHNSON'S SOLILOQUY 



The first, and the most important thing. 

Am I President, or am I Ivinij;? 

I have another (question to decide, 

And which wounds my Tennessee pride— 

I'm called by the Radicals a sot; 

Am I President, or am I not ? 

The loyal Congress has laid a plan 

To kill or cure me as a man. 

I thought when first the reigns I took, 

That all men would to Andy look. 

I had a highly spirited notion. 

That by a bullet I got promotion; 

That the people were in so great a scare. 

That I could act a little unfair. 

I have been very much flattered, 

And politically bespattered ; 

By every man my name was utter'd, 

And by still younger lips was mutter'd, 

I felt a little more elated 

And often very much inflated ; 

3 



1>G 

I^iit thon had I not n porfoct I'icrht, 

If I kept m_y drinking ont of sight. 

I know on inauguration day 

I WAB a sl)a(k' or two tliat way ; 

But then I do most sincerely think 

That Presidents have a right to di-ink. 

What a Statesman so briglit and frisky, 

Without the lielp of good old wliiskv; 

Or so famous a Statesman tell a lie 

Without the aid of good okl rye : 

As well expect my goose to float, 

Or to clear a Tailor's musky throat, 

Without something strong and warm, 

T know it acts like a charm. 

Well then I do most surely think, 

I have a right to take a drink : 

An Ass has a right to l)ray, 

And a Statesman a right to say 

What is — or is not a law: — 

Whethei" he is made of whisky or straw. 

Ah ! that's the peculiar rub, 

They call me a whisky tub: 

Some almost get in a quarrel, 

And contend I'm a v/hisky ])ari^el: 

Some say they actually think 

I'm so full of rum I can't wink: 

-But they talk without rhyme or i-eason : 

I only take a little in season; 

"When I feel a little weak and flat 

I throw a little under my hat. 

A man who wants the people to fear him. 

Must take a little drop to cheer him, 

Now and then a little sip — 

Stiftens a fellow's upper lip. 

While Itheofiice of President hold 

ril have a little if it be sold. 

[f I didn't take :i little periodical — 



I'd 1)0 ))otlier"<.l by every IJadienl. 

Every one of these Temp'rauce people 

Are as stiff as a church steeple; 

And they'r Radical to the core, 

And think me a perfect bore; 

And I've sometimes heard them mutter, 

I'm worse than a sow in the gutter — 

And when a Tennessee dandy, 

Even then I lik'd my brandy. 

I have done what I could to be free, 

By being on a perpetual spree — 

I thought I'd be jovial and merry. 

If I took a little drop of Cherry ; 

I thought certain success I'd meet 

If every Rebel and Cop. I'd treat. 

An idea got into my head, 

That if old Lincoln was dead, 

And a few more out of the way, 

I and my friends could — stay — 

By making perpetual strife. 

At the White House all my life, 

And drink Rum, Gin, and Brandy — 

As well as when a dandy; 

And so I wink'd my Eagle eye, 

And poor old Lincoln had to die. 

I tried it on a few more cusses. 

Who were always making fusses, 

But, somehow or other, 

I was in such a bother, 

I could'nt make it tell, 

So I let it go to H-ll. 

Then I got hold of the good old ship. 

And had another good old sip : 

I open'd business right off — 

With the eloquence of a Gough. 

For me many apologies were made. 

My drunkness kept in the shade ; 



■2H 

Deputations from far and iioar 

Came to drop a historic tear 

Over the J^ation's fate, 

And heap their blessings on my ])ato. 

Being then the jS'ation's Chief 

[ tried to show mnch grief. 

Once, while on the spree, 

Away ont in Tennessee, 

I promised to break down oppression. 

And drive out secession : 

And all believed me loyal, 

If not indeed most Royal. 

But I made a bargain out South, 

And sealed it with my mouth ; 

That I'd help the ]S"orthern Doughfaces, 

By declaring a war of Races: 

So I got up the plan, 

And got the Arsenal to a man — 

The best of wool-dyed Rebels, 

Without any if s — or buts — or quibbles— 

To come within my reach ; 

That I might make my speech ; 

And so I hung on the verge of madness. 

And had to drink to keep down sadness, 

I declared the Congress but a rump — 

And o-ave old Thad. a heavy thump : 

But echo came right back to me, 

Ilollo'ing, Andy of Tennessee. 

I suppose it meant by such a jum]». 

That King Andy was but rump : 

So then indeed, upon my soul, 

I drown'd my sorrow in a bowl. 

I thought I'd veto eveiy bill, 

And thus I'd keep the Rebels still : 

I pardon'd every old sinner. 

As well as every new beginner. 

So I acted a little unfair. 



•20 



And recoustractiou did dcchtre : 

Without calling an extra Session 

To finish up Secession. 

Well, I thought it was time, 

For a Tailor to be sublime : 

And in a portentous hour, 

I declared I had the power 

To reconstruct the South, 

And so declared by word of mouth. 

I commanded Perry, Holden, and other snakes, 

To steer the Ingines; but put on the brakes: 

And to have the things less nasty, 

I issued my famous Amnesty ; 

And by my simple word of mouth, 

Keconstructed all the South: 

I thought it only fair 

To give them a chance to swear. 

With me 'twas mighty easy, 

I had things good and greasy : 

I joined the Church in early life, 

And was educated V)y my wife 

To talk loudly — to read and spell. 

I've call'd monopolies II-ll. 

I said in proper season. 

That men convicted of Treason 

Should be hung as high as Ilaman : 

And all the North hollo'd Amen. 

To make things easier still, 

I put the pardons through the mill : 

Thousands were pardoned every day, 

For which I got good pay. 

Then some Southern loyal cusses, 

AVho were alwaj's a making fusses, 

Saw 'twas but a game of blutf, 

And soon hollo'd enough. 

Some fellov; spoke out nincii greater. 

And called ine a big old Traitor: 



30 

Because I kept Congress irom bringing 

Rebels to a state of swinging. 

The White House seed beo-an to irrow — 

And "My Policy" began to show, 

And bloody riot and strife 

Throughout the land were rife : 

I thou2:ht Sheridan's telesfram — 

Might create some alarm ; 

And to have it a little brighter 

I made it something lighter. 

I declar'd Reb. Johnnys had a right, 

To be all pardon 'd on sight, 

And Congress might as well begin ; 

They would be forced to take them in. 
I had command of all the forces 

And all the country's resources. 

And old Radical Thadd. 

Made me feel so bad ; 

I denounced him as a Traitor; 

When I knew I was a greater, 

Than the Johneys of the South — 

But it got out of my mouth. 

Oh ! how wretched, nobody greater, 

The Radicals have mark'd me a Traitor. 

I remember I had the pluck — 

To call Forney a dead duck ; 

And then that old Radical pest, 

Old Brownlow of the West, 

Had to put in his spoon ; 

And I heard from him soon : — 

That Tennessee had killed slavery, 

And all the White House knavery ; 

Like a clear ton'd bell in a fog, 

Call'd King Andy a dead dog. 

Then I had a new invention, 

1 mean my Aug-ust Convention : 

A huge informal conclave 



Of Traitor, Rebel, and Knave. 

Tliey all obey'd my order, 

From the centre to the border ; 

From Maine to the Pacific 

They thunder'd most terrific. 

The Committees gave me a call, 

And I felt myself quite tall — ■ 

I wanted to have an extra si}». 

And I went on a Western trip, 

To pay my homage to Douglas, 

The little Democratic bugle-ass. 

As an extoUer of knavery, 

Or the hydra-monster, slavery, 

He never had an equal 

Except I, who am the sequel. 

I tried to make Democrats in mass, 

And send the Radicals to grass ; 

But the great Western people. 

Some as tall as a church steeple, 

Gave a most serious quiz 

Right into my bloated phiz. 

Before I could get my breath 

Some hoUo'd, How's Jett'? 

Some would more words bandy, 

And call me traitor Andy. 

I took it all in good part; 

I have a real spirited heart ; 

While the demijohn is near 

I think I needn't fear: 

I feel as merry as 'a cricket 

While I can turn the spigot. 

To rule the Convention was the puzzle, 

So I issued my famous muzzle. 

Everybody was saying hark, 

But the dogs couldn't bark. 

The people were vevy much tickled - 

To see such curious^ fish pickled ; 



s-> 



But I had put on the salt, 

Made out of good old malt, 

And wlieii a little dry 

I applied a little old rye. 

Well, I swung the circle round, 

And then returned to town, 

The Metropolis of thej Nation, 

And made a grand narration 

To every pup and crone. 

Who hung around my throne. 

Rebs. and Copps. were out in glee 

To give a welcome to me ; 

But I felt a little sour — 

The Rads. were gnining every- liour. 

I thought it an awful pity 

They had been to the Brotherly City ; 

There they declared suftrage impartial — 

Rebs. and Copps. still under old martial ; 

That the Habeas Corpus they'd suspend, 

And thus to Rebellion put an end ; 

That every Reb. they would disable. 

Or dance them on a cable ; 

That no pardoned cut-throat 

Should be allowed to vote. 

I vetoed bills by the half-score, 

Yet I had to veto one more ; 

That w-as an awful pill — 

That old Military Bill ; 

And what kill'd me so dead, 

They pass'd it over m}' head, 

And I had no excuse to rule. 

And look'd just like a fool ; 

So I was forced to think, 

And I took another drink; 

I had to gasp and puft^ — 

I know I had enough. 

When Fred. Dougrlass made his call 



I felt myself quite small, 
And I'm honest enough to siiv, 
That from that very day, 
Although I can't explain, 
My power began to wane. 
I thought I'd struck the si)ark, 
But I tumbled in the dark. 
I knew I was a big sinner. 
Yet I hop'd to be the winner. 
My iron goose I couldn't pick, 
And I tried another trick; 
I thought the meat was tender — 
"Twasu't the old gray gander; 
'Twas the sweetest kind of lish, 
From Governor Swann's dish ; 
And by a military inspection 
We had a triumphant election. 
I hoped "My Policy" was carried, 
And Radicalism was buried; 
But to my utter dismay 
They had made another display — 
A thing I do hate to mention — 
The late September Convention ; 
There Fred, made a free speech, 
And far beyond my reach ; 
Miss Dickinson gave me fits, 
And put me to my wits. 
The former spoke of Moses, 
And everybody held their noses; 
The latter spoke in caustic pride, 
To lay old Andy aside. 
Between them they used me up, 
iSo I had another cup, 
And, being on my swing, 
It was quite an easy thing; 
I believ'd, with Aristotle, 
In the right to crack a bottle. 



34 



I thought I had the Rads. all boat, 
And had the Sceptre at m}' feet; 
The thing I thought I had 
Was spoil' d by Old Thadd. 
The loyal Congress found a treasure 
In the Reconstruction measure. 
My vetoes were but a waste, 
And issued in very bad taste; 
They only recoil'd upon my head, 
And informed me I was dead; 
That in eighteen sixty-eight 
The Rads. Would seal my fate ; 
That "Equal Suffrage" in the South 
Would effectually close my mouth — 
Would kill the Rebs. and Copps. outright, 
And put "My Policy" out of sight. 
Well, I'm but a tailor at best, 
And my faults I have confess'd ; 
I think the chance is rather slim — 
For an iron goose to swim, 
Or give a sufficient reason, 
Why I pardoned treason. 
Well, well, I'm in a fog: 
They call me a dead dog ; 
I'm a real living Autocrat — 
Oh yes I I mean a Democrat. 
I think I can fix a plan ; 
I'll call myself the People's man ; 
I'll send new teachers into school. 
And call every man a fool — 
Who cannot sing my Rebel song: 
That Rebs. and Copperheads belong- 
To the party of Human Rights, 
But who in war-time never fights — 
Yet in peace hoists the Lone Star, 
And whoops and hollos for war; 
That the Radicals are now 



:55 

Driving the JSTational plow ; 
That the land e'en now is rife; 
That sectional and IsTational strife 
Will be rampant evermore, 
From the lakes to the shore. 
I hope to persuade or rule 
Every Democratic tool; 
I hope to keep the faithful together, 
And hokl them as with a tether. 
I've got one very good thing — 
1 have got Horace on my string; 
He help'd me let okl Jeff out, 
Which makes me feel quite stout. 

La militaire I want to stufi", 

Du-la-mellier Franeque snuli"; 

jSTapy's ideas I want to ape, 

And bring my Country into shape; 

I'll hire Mr. and Mrs. Toodle, 

Just fresh from Swampoodle ; 

I'll oi)en the next campaign — 

By a lovely dose of Champagne ; 

I'll get every Johnny on my side. 

And have a triumphant ride; 

I'll have enough to make me burst, 

When I'm called Andy the First. 

If the Rads. don't spoil my play, 

I'll have everything to say. 

I've got the opinion of my Attorney 

To help me on my journey. 

I vetoed the Military Bill — 

It was pass'd against my will ; 

I'll try to make it null 

By issuing my bull ; 

By my Executive power 

I'll kill it in an hour. 

I hope the Rad^. can't reach me, 



.36 



Nor Jim Ashley impeacli me; 
Then no man will be greater — 
I'll be a real Dictator ; 
I'll be of some renown, 
And wear a kingly crown. • 
If Old Thadd. and party 
Don't make another sortie — 
And take my power away, 
I can at the White House stay. 
But the black men have got a vote — 
I can feel it in my throat ; 
They won't take my word of mouth- 
That kills me in the South. 
I told them I'd their IMoses be. 
And lead them through the sea, 
Right into the promised land, 
Where old Jeff would have command 
I thought I could them deceive, 
And laugh at them up my sleeve; 
But they're full of cussed sharpness, 
If they are incased in darkness. 
The last election proves them greater 
Than I, who am a traitor. 
My political shinplasters. 
Have only led to disasters. 
I made some well-tim'd scratches 
By garlding Phil's dispatches. 
When riots occurr'd in the South 
I never opened my mouth. 
Only to darken and to twist, 
To befog, to make a mist, 
To darken the clear and plain. 
And give to the Johnnys again — 
Other and better chances still 
Soutliern Loyalists to kill ; 
But this Bill of Keconstniction 
Will bring me to destruction ; 



"Twill every Rebel disable. 

And put me on the table; 

'Twill elevate the colored race, 

And bring me to disgrace. 

Manhood suffrage I did oppose : 

And I said, and did suppose. 

That colored men would brighter grow, 

That Rebs. and Copps. would fall below. 

The Rads. all say the Country's salvation 

Depends upon their elevation ; 

T couldn't then be a speculator 

In the business of a Dictator, 

But lie away and rust. 

Or like a serpent crawl in dust. 

I had my brothers Johnny to please, 

And the radical ^Niorth to tease; 

I had the Carol inas to save. 

So I visited Pappy's grave; 

I thought dictation was rather dull, 

And I'd give the Rads. another pull. 

If my nominees were suspended 

"My Policy" would be ended. 

And my chances for re-election 

Wouldn't bear inspection. 

And I had to get up and go 

To Boston for another show ; 

I thought it no scandal — 

To take the advice of Randall : 

To have a ISTorthern trip, 

And manufacture more lip. 

I had my Templars all ready, 

To keep my nerves all steady ; 

They're men of my own heart — 

Always ready when I start: 

To talk a little in season, 

And enlighten the heathen. 



■58 



Or givG them a little rub. 

At the Massachusetts Hub. 

The State that pays some tax, 

By the consumption of wax; 

The home of the great and brave, 

Who refused to return the slave, 

Or recognize its barbaric power. 

Or help it for a single hour; 

The vau-iTuards of the free — 

Randall, 'twill kill yoii and me. 

Down there 1 can't get my drink, 

And I'll not be able to think — 

I've been so used to a little drop. 

It will make my thinking stop : 

That will give me thunder; 

I know I'll make a blunder: 

Should they ask me Where's Old Jeft'? 

I'll have to be a little deaf. 

If I can't find my bitters, 

I may some shoulder hitters; 

If I can't persuade the Lo^-al, 

I may make a few more Royal 

Adherents to my Kingly plan, 

To rule the Country by a man. 

Yes, rule with the rod of Moses ; 

Just what Randall supposes. 

Stanberry and I must work to kill 

The Sherman Reconstruction Bill. 

If Congress can't get a quorum, 

I'll be the highest cockelorum. 

I have a high, a big notion, 

To rule from Maine to the Pacific Ocean 

Then my name will be spread afar, 

And make me greater than a Czar: 

B}'^ vetoing every important bill, 

I can carry out my absolute will — 

Unless Generals Phil, and Dan. 



.•;h 



Say that I'm uot llie man — 
And can make no more disorders. 
By countermanding orders. 

I thouglit Stanbcry, my Lawyer, 

Was better than a common sawyer ; 

That he could eiiectually puzzle, 

Or make a new prize muzzle, 

To hang on every General's mouth 

Throughout the Eebel South. 

But the Radical key-note was sounded, 

As the Eastern Hub I rounded ; 

Like the rainbow in the cloud, 

I saw King Andy's sbroud ; 

So boldly Phil had spoken, 

Tt gave me such a token — 

Tie had spoken in such a mood. 

That every bird was hollo'ing good ! 

Good ! good ! cried Echo all along ; 

And every Rad. had joined in song. 

Oh I help me, help me Jeft", 

I am nearly out of breath ; 

What can I do myself to save 

From this sure impending grave ; 

"These flaming draughts" which fill my breath, 

Those cursed cups that bring sure death. 

Oh ! these wailings that fill my brain, 

What ? not to be elected again ? 

Ls there any one who supposes 

That I am not a Second Moses ; 

If their heads are so muddy and thick, 

I can enlighten them very quick : 

I have been in office of every grade, 

And mix'd with people of every shade. 

From Tailor right up tlie ladder : 

And now I'm a White House Adder. 

I have stuns: the Rads. by the half-score, 



40 

And hope to live to sting a, few more. 
I'll take them by one, two, or three, 
If the liadicals don't sting me. 

There are Ashley, Thadd. Drake, and Sherman, 

And each one, can preach a good sermon — 

And the Judiciary Committee, 

Who have never left the city. 

They've kept in session right through, 

And made me feel quite blue ; 

But then I gave my orders to Grant — 

And just what the Johnnys want — 

That Sheridan had no right to meddle. 

liave'nt I a patent right to peddle ? 

Am I not one of the Southern braves? 

Have'nt I wept o'er the Johnnys' graves ? 

Have'nt I talk'd with Fred, and his brothers, 

And been social wdth their sisters and mothers? 

In short it has been my life-long study, 

To be everything to every body, 

But the Radicals are such harpies, 

They say I a'nt social with the darkies ; 

I know that many of them shun me, 

And say that Douglas could outrun mo. 

To this great question I have adverted, 

I think I'll have to be converted, 

But then the Rads. are mighty witty — 

They'd spread it through every city, 

That ray conviction was'nt sincere. 

And only resulted from fear : 

And that it must be recollected 

I only wanted re-elected, 

And raise a National strife. 

And be dictator all my life. 

jSTow I'll take a good drink of Brandy, 

And hollo hurrah ! for King Andy ; 

I can drink until I burst, 

When eall'd Ivinsr Andv the — First. 



M Y M A n Y L A N D 



Tha SlattB-lp^xildBr^B xSxiUlaqutj. 



To free them ; or not to free tlieni : 
That is the question. 

Whether 'tis nobler in the mind to suffer 
The stings and arrows of a slave-holding conscience, 
Or take up arms against old Jeff; 
And by opposing him, to end slavery. 
To make slaves no more, and by 
Emancipation, end slavery, and the thousand 
Other ills the slave-holder is heir to. 
'Tis a consummation devoutly to be wish'd — 
To make slaves no more ; but perchance 
I might crave a yellow girl ; 
Aye, there's the rub — for in that 
Craving state what thoughts may come, 
When we have pledged ourselves to freedom, 
Must make us pause. There's the reason 
That makes slavery of so long-life. 
For who would bear the jeers and scoffs of 
Yankees, the slave's upbraiding, their 
Children's wretchedness, the pangs of 
Self-reproach, the Itankrupt pocket, 
4 



l-> 



The iiisoleiiee ol' hangmen, and the spurns 
That every Traitor must expect to meet, 
When he himself might his quietus 
Make by a mere swearing.* 
Who would all these torments bear, to groan 
And sweat under this dreadful scourge : 
But then the dread thought of working 
When slavery's no more, and that 
Stringent law, Mdiich he who makes must 
Keep — puzzles the will, and makes us rather 
Love the curse that blinds us, than to 
Turn forever from its hateful grasp. 
Thus slavery doth make bondmen of us all. 
And thus for want of firm determination 
The curse of slavery grows each day more 
Binding, and resolutions of Freedom, of 
However much moment, are drowu'd in 
Whisky, and forever thereafter 
Lose the name of action. 

-■■ The Aiiuu'stv (»;ith. 



Sequel in Willie Beav, 



IS/LJi^ir, I860. 



The original, of which this is a sequel, has but three 
verses, the reader will find four in my sequel. 

Father, we do miss you. 

Oh ! Father, where are you — dear? 
Oh ! do, do, come home ! ! 

Ah ! what is the matter dear ; 
We dread some awful fate : 

And it wouhl make our hearts rejoice 
To hear your welcome footste[»8 

And your own familiar voice ; 
It would take away our fear. 

It would dissipate our gloom ; 
Oil ! father, we do miss you, 

Oh ! do, do come home ! ! 

We long to see you nightly. 

Yes, we one and all — 
Wliile baby dances sprightly, 

A sigh escapes us all. 
The little ones do weep 

'Till the night is nearly past: 
And as the Sun begins to peep, 



44 



Tbev tro to sleep at last. 
How they listen'd for your voice, 

'Till they found you could not come; 
Oh ! Father, we do miss you, 

Oh ! do, do come home ! ! 

We are all sad without you, 

At night we cannot sleep ; 
We all do long to see you, 

Oh ! Father, how we weep 
Each night we weep and watch, 

And we think we hear you say : 
Oh ! wait a little longer. 

And I will wipe your tears away ; 
But our hearts grow sad again. 

When we find you do not come ; 
Oh ! Father, we do miss you, 

Oh ! do, do come home ! ! 

Ah, yes! it is day again. 

And we do not see you here ; 
Could we but press thy hand, 

'Twould relieve us, father dear. 
Oh ! what a cruel foe — 

Iraprison'd they do you keep: 
Oh I how acute our woe ; 

Ah ! father, how we weep. 
If they'd bring you back again — 

'Twould make our hearts rejoice, 
To hear your welcome footsteps — 

And your own familiar voice ; 
But we are still sadder yet, 

For we know you cannot come — 
Oh! father, we do miss you. 

And wish you were at home. 



4o 

Washington City, D. C, Monday, Oct. 6, 1866. 
Miss Anna E. Dickinson, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Dear Miss: Excuse the. following tribute iu honor of 
your thrilling and patriotic Address to the Loyal South- 
ern Delegates, during recess of Convention, in National 
Hall, Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 6th, 1866: 

Must not your eloquence have shiver'd 
Impurities of thought as deliver'd ; 
So immeasurably good and pure. 
Such eloquence was telling and sure. 

All around me, both the weak and stout, 
l^ever ceased in the general shout : 
]^ever was approbation so deep — 
All loyal hearts did throb and beat; 

Every being within that loyal Hall 

Directed their voices to extol 

In frail woman, that, that makes true greatness — 

Counsel, encouragement, and sedateness; 

Keenness of thought, philosophy to spare. 

In maiden sweetness, and so rare : 

Nothing was left the Convention to do. 

Save adopt that deliver'd by you — 

On that memorable afternoon, 

Not to be forgotten very soon. 

I hope the above Acrostic will be received in the same 
spirit in which it is written, I being a firm and unflinch- 
iiig advocate of Universal Liberty and Enfranchisement, 
without distinction of sex or complexion. I therefore hope 
your noble exertions in behalf of sufliering Humanity will 
meet the constant approval of the friends of true Liberty. 

Believe me, I have the honor to be, dear Miss, your 
humble and most obedient servant, 

WM. BOYD, M. D., 
No. 423 Virgiv.ia avenue^ 



46 

[^Truc rcjpjj of answer to tiitj \iok.'\ 

Springfield, III., Nov. 5, 1866. 
Pardon this long delay, and believe me, though 1 ex- 
press the fault, that I am none the less your most hearty 
debtor for the extremely kind poem and note which you 
were pleased to send me. 

I am, with sincerest expressions of esteem, 
Truly yours, 

AXI^A E. DICKINSOX 
To Wai. Boyd, M. D. 



[Letter of the Author, thirt«eu days before his release, which occurred October 5, ISGl.] 

U. S. P., Washington City, D. C, ^ei>L 21, 1861. 
Hon. T. D. Eliot, Member Thirtji-Seventh Congress. 

Dear Sir: I was honored a few weeks ago by a peru- 
sal of yonr note to Mrs. Prof. Johnson concerning my 
case, which is before the Executive, in which you state 
that you have no doubt of the success of in}- case, and 
that, should I not be released in a week or two, to write 
you, and you would write to the Attorney General. I 
do not know whether that lady has written you since, but 
this I do know, that I am still in prison. ' My eldest son 
came to see me on Sunday, the 15th ult., and who brought 
me the sad news that his mother, two httle brothers, and 
two little sisters, and an infant only two years of age, 
were all sick; his mother not able to give 'her baby a 
drink. They will soon be without the common neces- 
saries of life, and as he alone is the only one who is mak- 
ing anything, and that only $4.50 per week, to keep seven 
of a family. When I know that such a poor pittance is 
entirely insufficient to even find the commonest articles 
of consumption, and that I am powerless to help them in 
their distress, no pen can write, no tongue describe the 
horrible anguish I feel. I therefore hope that you will 
consider the above as a sufficient apology for the liberty 



I take in thus addressing you on the present occasion. 
I have reason to believe that, did the President know the 
real situation of my family and my proper character as a 
man, he would soon release me. I have lived for the 
last twenty years only to do my duty. I first learned what 
my duty was, and then performed that duty independ- 
ently of all consequences. A man whose every year of 
his manhood has been one of honest industry and virtu- 
ous rer^titude. A man whom none can say he has been 
guilty of one mean or dishonest act in the whole of his 
life, but only been too zealous in doing good. And for 
one single act of benevolence a cruel court tears me away 
from my family and my business, the support of my fam- 
ily; tries me by a barbarous and inhuman law, that legal- 
izes the traffic in human blood, and makes virtue and 
benevolence a crime, and punishes me worse for an act 
of benevolence than some of the veriest criminals are 
punished for some of the most heinous crimes ; when I 
ought to have received their praises, instead of their con- 
demnation as a criminal. Those who know me best 
know me only as an example of honesty, frugality, indus- 
try, temperance, and republicanism. I do not say the 
above as egotistic boasting. I say what I have said 
because I know such to be the truth. 

I hope you will therefore be kind enough to importune 
the Executive in my behalf again, so that I may be re- 
stored to my sick and forsaken family ere it be too late. 
My eldest daughter, a girl of nine years old, has been 
seized since my arrest of epileptic fits, which grow worse 
every day,* and cannot be left five minutes at any one 
time without danger of physical injuries by frequent falls 
when thus seized. Add to such an afiiiction a serious 
illness, and you have an idea of the troubled mind of the 
mother, whose health of both mind and body have much 



*At this writing she has nearly recovered, being now in her 15th year. 

W. B. 



48 

declined since my arrest. I doubt not Imt that her pres- 
ent sickness is the result of over-exertion of both mind 
and body, in her exertions to comfort her children and 
extricate me from prison. 

Kind sir, I yearn once more to be free. 

And such a boon might e'en rest with thee. 

By one word you might break the spell, 

That keeps me in this horrid hell. 

Yes, your mere wish in language spoken — 

Might make these chains forever broken. 

Oh ! whisper that ivord so full of magic, 

Whether in philosophy or in logic. 

Oh yes ! speak that little wish, and give new life 

To a sorrowing husband and wife ; 

Then our joys would be replete. 

And gladness gambol at our feet. 



SEQUEL TO 

Wat Better, ¥nv Warse. 

(the original only having six verses.) 

Composed in April of I860 in Cell No. 1, U. S. Penitentiary, District of 

Columbia, when under sentence of 14 years for aiding George 

Ross and "Wife to escape from Slavery. — W. B. 



I to(jk tliee ill tliy youthful prime, 

The husband of my heart to be; 
I promis'd in my marriaii:e vow, 

Forsaking all, to cling to thee. 
I vow'd thro' good and ill report 

That I would love, would serve, obey — 
Yes, e'en thro' sickness and thro" health. 

That vow I will renew to-day. 

Leave, thee when inmate of a worldly hell, 

When thinn'd thy form and pal'd thy cheek. 
When sorrow and this prison cell 

Hath made thy vigorous arm so weak? 
Leave thee when most thou needest 

Some gentle hand to fan thy brow, 
To soothe the fever in thy veins. 

And whisper that sweet, that marriage vow? 



50 



I will not leave thee, tho" the world 

Hath call'd thee hy a felon's name, 
And scorn's cold linger points thee out 

The worthless child of guilt and shame. 
I will not leave thee tho' this cell 

Be all the home thou call'st thine own, 
Tho' wealth and honor, friends and fame. 

At fate's dissolving touch hath flown. 

I will not leave thee; no I in one heart 

Faith in th}^ innocence remains; 
And not one thought of cold distrust 

Hath chill'd love's fever in my veins. 
I hear the world condemn thee now, 

And am couvuls'd within my breast; 
But did I not at the altar vow — 

Forsaking all — to love thee best. 

I could not leave thee did I know 

That all the world's reproach were true; 
That 'neath some great temptation's power 

Thy mind had lost its native hue — 
Had dyed itself in direct guilt. 

Had plung'd without remorse in crime ; 
No, nor then would I forsake thee : 

l^ever! I am thine, and tliou art mine. 

And tho' the world doth chide thee now. 

Love whispers o'er thy name; 
Renews that sweet, that marriage vow. 

And will not, cannot, consent to blame. 
In spite the world's condemning ire, 

I here again love's pledge renew ; 
Oh ! these pangs of loving lire, 

They njake me think of naught but you. 

Death alone can disunite. 
And claim ua an his o\\ii ; 



51 

Until tlien, we will imite, 

To us unconstant is unknown. 
Grim death's mandate will requite 

A world of woes, of scoffs, and fears ; 
'Twill change the day to endless night, 

Relie've our labors, and trials, and tears. 

And tho' our troubles and tears are many, 

Our comforts and friends but few ; 
And vie not the wealth of any, 

Do naught but what is right and true. 
Yet by stealth, and power, and might, 

A wicked law doth claim ; 
Without the shadow of a right — 

A right to part, and make us twain. 

A mere act of pure benevolence, 

Is called by gargon and cant a crime ; 
A theft, a larcency, a malevolence: 

Cruel civilization of the time. 
Sweet liberty for which our Fathers bled, 

The Declaration of Independence ; 
Alas! they'r departed, lost, fled. 

By Democratic superintendence. 

Say not we hath liberty here, 

'Tis a shadow, a phantom, a name ; 
Slavery, knife, revolver, and spear, 

Are but the symbols of our shame. 
But dear husband weep no more, 

Six pledges I have of thee ; 
Better days may be in store, 

If the barbarians will set yon free. 

For better, for worse, I gave thee my baud, 
The companion of my heart to be ; 

I left my home, my native land. 

To live and die with thine and thee. 



52 

At every footstep do I start, 

My weary hours hath no retreat ; 
Oh ! I'm crush'd of a broken heart, 

My misery is now replete. 

And yet these clouds may break awAy, 

That are gather'd around my home ; 
• This dreadful night be changed to day, 

And my consort be brought home ! 
Panacea of my grief, my sorrow, 

Come bright day that I may see ; 
Oh I restore liim on the morrow, 

That I may once embrace him free. 

The above was accompanied by the following note : 

I hope, dear Martha, you will not fail to appreciate my puny and faint 
attempt, in the above sequel, to paint and portray the awful calamity that has 
befallen you in consequence of luy so unjust imprisonment for a mere act of 
humanity. 

WM. BOVD, M. D. 



A PORTRAITURE 



OR, THE CHIEF OF HYPOCRITES. 



As I cannot call yon brother 

I'll have to make nse of some — other 

Of corresponding indignity 

To show your infinite malignity. 

Hypocrite of hypocrites, and knave of knaves I 

Chief of persecutors, and king of slaves ! 

A wife's doll, a priest's tool, 

The bigot's all, and doctor's fool ; 

A bag of wind, a man of straw, 

A bigger fool these eyes ne'er saw, 

Thau you, whom I now address — 

Or what I know of you express. 

Once you bore the semblance of truth, 

When I was but a sapling, a youth ; 

But as you got in years, and older grew : 

That truthful visage from you flew. 

Then truth was pictured on your brow,- 

But the why, and wherefore, cometh now. 

Now, to get a job, you'll be a knave — 



r>4 



And wisli your brothci- to be a slave: 

To the same almighty withering vice — 

And to make him humble sacked him thrice. 

'Twas but the cries of public shame — 

That kept you from playing a deeper game. 

Your will was good, but you lack'd the power — 

You'r still the same, at this very hour: 

A mean pettifogger, a dictator, 

Or a self-opinionated faltering prater; 

An egotist, a bigot, a fool, 

A creeping, crawling snake, a tool — 

For knavish priests to use at pleasure, 

To serve their ends — or bring them treasure. 

To please the avarice of a selfish wife, 

You belie the greatest duties of your life ; 

Denounce your brother as a wicked fabricator? 

A malevolent, vicious, cruel calumniator? 

"When — in truth, you know you'r wrong. 

And that to no such order I belong. 

Yet, for the sake of paltry glittering dust, 

You've allow'd your early nobleness to rust — 

Xoble sentiments inculcated by our mother, 

To make every man a welcome — brother. 

Yes, you've belied and broken every vow — 

And how much better are you for it now: 

Would not e'en your pillow shed a tear, 

Tf it knew the wretch it had to bear. 

T'liink of it, you echo ol' a thousand fools, 

Tutor'd by Orthodoxy at their schools. 

Thiidv of it, you selfish, grasping tyrant. 

That you tried to crush — a young aspirant. 

Think of it, that in your pretence to do me good, 

Vou kept me from getting my mental food. 

Like a fish without water from day to day, 

I could not within a narrow circle stay : 

T tlien. of course, was bnt another victim; 



Of religious malice, hatred, and dictini. 

But Oh ! how sweet it was to be — 

From all such dogmatisms free. 

Think you I was formed to be your slave, 

Or to do the bidding of a tyrant knave ; 

Think you, was it right, or just, or good — 

To try to stop my mental food ; 

Think you, was it right to rob me so, 

And say that in public I should' nt go, 

To advocate a right Divine — 

That the people were not herd's of swine. 

But, like many other twaddlers of the day. 

You arrogate the right to sway — 

The sceptre of thought o'er a brother, 

His finer feelings and conscience to smother. 

If your meanness only ended here. 

You might expiate it with a tear; 

But no, the unblushing lies you tell, 

Are in this woi'ld without a parallel. 

'Twas because I dared to think, and freely act, 

That you tried to crush my intellect. 

If I had been a wretched drunken sot, 

Or had a mind like you, not worth a groat,* 

Then, in truth, you might have interfer'd. 

And by the world have been rever'd. 

As it is, our name is stained — 

Indeed 'twas for what you gain'd. 

In pounds, shillings, and pence — 

That you nuide such inglorious pretence. 

As your duncely brain cannot this moral learn. 
Then, instead of principle, you follow men; 
And when askd your influence to give, 
That freedom and progression might live: 
Your conscience is ignored for money, 
And your lips, and your tongiu' all honey, 

Tri.i)H,li Ilnnio. 



And many apologies are made. 

Of the sacrifices to your trade — 

The meanest and lowest passion of all — 

Carries you captive at its call. 

Oh I what putrid and moral leanness, 

As exhibited in such meanness ; 

'Tis a cancer, deep in the Orthodox heart, 

From which I fear it can never depart. 

It has used the rope, and stake, and tire, 

And sacrificed thought, in deepest ire; 

It is a frightful chasm of corruption, 

And leads — but to moral destruction. 

'Tis true for a short time you treated me well, 

Better than by pencil or tongue I could tell ; 

But as soon, as your bidding I could not obey, 

Symptoms of tyranny you seemed to betray: 

Had your bidding been either just or polite, 

I would have obeyed as a matter of right; 

But when with my conscience you interfer'd, 

Surely you did not expect to be rever'd; 

If so, your vanit}'^ and sense were on a par. 

And much resembled an Ape — if not a star: » 

Your impudence and sense were about equal, 

In incorrigible meanness without an equal. 

Bogged wretch, apostate, knave. 
Could I e'er crouch and be your slave? 
No ! this mind with all its convolutions — 
Was never formed to have such evolutions ! 

Vour brother, 

WILLIAM BOYD, M. D. 



EXl'LAXATioX 



^hiaf ai Mttuax^vitBS. 



After a lapse of nearly eighteen years, in the mouth of 
February last I received a letter from my brother, the 
subject of the above Poem, ''The Chief of H3q3oerites," 
which was written in the City of New York, in 1850. I 
have certainly given him plenty of time for calm reflection 
on his past conduct, and he seems to have come to a very 
reasonable conclusion when he says " Upon reflection, I 
have come to the conclusion that I am to blame for our dis- 
agreement, as I presumed to ofl:er my advice to you unso- 
licited, and sometimes in language which I now very much 
regret." As I am disposed, by my cosmopolitan ideas, 
to seek no revenge on my enemies whether they are my 
kin-people or not, I freely forgive if I cannot forget them, 
both in England and the United States of North America. 
In the former place because of my firm adherence to, and 
constant advocacy of. Radical Republicanism: in both 
politics and religion I was the mark of persecution wher- 
ever I went, by the middle classes especially. Out of four 



58 

newspapers published in Preston, IS'orth Lancashire, in 
1848, two being Tory, one Whig, and one pretended Radi- 
cal, not one of them but what misrepresented my position 
and statements at every opportunity, as they alwaysdo the 
statements of worldng men. My brother, wishing to 
lioat upon the popular breeze for the sake of business, 
joined hands with the enemies of free discussion, and 
against a brother, in a rigid and cruel persecution for, a 
period of nearly four years, which I am very glad to say 
he " now very much regrets." 

In the latter place, and especially in the City of Wash- 
ington, I am even now at times the recipient of the most 
vile abuse, as I pass along the streets of this Metropolis 
of the Republic, by those ignorant and uncultivated poor 
whites, who have always been the aiders and abettors of 
slavery and the slaveholders' rebellion of 1861, because 
I undertook to help a few slaves to freedom against the 
wish of their bloodhound so-called masters. Then almost 
every newspaper in the whole of this broad country were 
the apologists of that dreadful curse. Eveiy one in the 
District of Columbia labored hard to make the ignorant 
white people believe that it was a crime equal to murder 
to free, or attempt to free, a single slave, with the ex- 
ception of the " National Era," a very excellent abolition 
paper, published by tlie late Dr. Bailey, and they suc- 
ceeded in intimidating the jury so as to make them perjure 
themselves, and to bring in a verdict contrary to the evi- 
dence in the case; and made me equally guilty with those 
who stole human beings and sold them into bondage. 
Such was then the vitiated state of "Public Opinion " in 
this City, that my best friends dare not attend my triid at 
the court-house. 

I am sometimes asked why do I remain where I am so 
despised by the ignorant whites, who know no better 
than to be the tools of designing political knaves ; but my 
answer is, "I intend to tight it out on this line" if it 
take:- me Huother decade. 



To show the reader how sometimes reforms are very 
much aided by working men, if not altogether carried by 
them, in English Possessions as well as in England and 
on the Continent of Europe, I take the pleasure of in- 
serting my brother's letter, or so much thereof as shows 
what a working man can do (if he will act fearlessly) 
against a Tyrant towards his removal — the latter part of 
which goes to show what a foreigner thinks of Andrew 
Johnson. 



ir 



Letter ixf J^pulai|ij, 



GiBRAi/rAR, Febraarii 17, 1867. 
William Boyd, M. D., 

Dear Brother: I have sevdral times written to von, 
but have had only one letter from you since I saw you, 
and, on reflection, I have come to the conclusion that I 
^jtvas to blame for our disagreement, as I presumed to give 
you advice unsolicited, and sometimes in languac^e which 
I now very much regret; and from it I have learned to 
be more careful in my language with all men ; and I re- 
frain from meddling in public aflairs except on very 
special occasions, and then in the most respectful lan- 
guage which I know how to use towards an opponent. 
For instance — about two years ago I was one of a jury at 
the Court of Requests ; the case was one of assault of an 
English officer upon a Spanish groom. And as the 
judge of the court, Mr, Costello, showed a barefaced par- 
tiality in the affair, and as I happened to be the only 
Englishman on the jury, all the others being natives of 
Gibraltar, and opprobiously denominated rich, and as my 
business lay most among English officers, I was the 
anchor of their hope — but in that they were disappointed. 
I had sworn to render a verdict according: to the evidence 



before. the court. A verdict was rendered againwt the 
officer, and of course against my interest. 

The judge thought he could treat me in the same way 
that he was in the habit of treating the inhabitants, and 
when I met him the next day, in the street, he told me I 
ought to be ashamed of my verdict. I bandied no words 
with him at the time, but waited until the next day when 
quite cool, lest I should make use of any phrase that I 
might have to regret. 

I wrote him a letter demanding an apology or I would 
appeal to his superiors, which I did, first to Earl DeG-ray, 
and Tiippon, Her Majesty's Secretary of War. I got all 
the satisfaction I wanted, and Costello was superseded 
as Judge and Attorney General, which positions he had 
held for twenty years. 

I see by the " Evening Star" you kindly sent me, that 
you are active in opposing Mr. Johnson's Policy. I 
think the Republicans are in the right, from the fact that 
I think all men are equal in the sight of God, as far as 
political rights are concerned ; but while opposing him 
on matters of principle it would be better, I think, to use 
only respectful language towards him, for after all he has 
come to the Presidential Chair in a legitimate way, (that 
is if he was not concerned in the death of Lincoln.) 
Ht * * * >;-■ * * 

Will Mr. Johnson, with the sword in his hand, permit 
himself to be impeached? I think not; for if I have 
estimated his character correctly, he will treat the Con- 
gress in the same way that Cromwell treated the Rump 
Parliament, and then those who have called him "Acting- 
President " and "would-be-Dictator" will be likely to 
find him a real "Dictator." Oppose' him by argument 
but not by invective, since by using opprobrium you 
make enemies rather than friends, as Mr. Johnson did 
himself on his tour of the States. I hope you will not be 
offended at me for ottering advice. When you think it 
over, take it for what it is worth, I hope when you re- 



62 

ceive this you will favor me with a few lines, its I am 
anxious to know how you and family are, also brother 
John and family, and sister Eliza Jane and her family. 

Enclosed please find my photograph as taken on my 
fiftieth birthday. 

Hoping this may find you and family in good health, 
as it leaves me and mine, believe me, I remain as ever, 
your affectionate brother, 

ROBERT BOYD. 



The following poem, "Blind Incredulity Rebuked," 
requires some little explanation. When I left England, 
in 1849, 1 had to leave my wife and three children behind 
me until I was able to send for them. Just as I was 
about to start for here, my father-in-law wrote to his 
daughter, Mrs. Boyd, and tried all he could to impress 
upon her mind the idea that if I only got away she would 
never hear from me again, that I would keep entirely out 
of her reach, and thus spend my life without them, but 
she knew me better than her father, and she told him 
very frankly in her answer that she did not believe him. 
My brother tried to make the same impression on the 
day of my departure, but in vain. She and the children 
went to her father's and stayed until I sent for her, in 
two years after my arrival here — during which time I sent 
remittances of over four hundred dollars to her. In the 
spring of 1851 she had a whitlow on one of the fingers of 
her right hand, and was therefore unable to write, so her 
father wrote for her, which gave me considerable surprise 
until I had ascertained, by reading the letter, what was 
the matter. 

At the time of writing the answer to his letter, Sir 
Edward Bulwer Lytton and G-. P. R. James were here, 
toadying to the slave power all they could, like the 
Traitor John Mitchell did during the Rebellion. 



OR 

WM. BOYD, M.D/S, ANSWER TO HIS FATHER-IN-LAWS 

LETTER. 

IPerth Ahiboy, N. ./., May — , 1851.] 



When on your epistle I gazed, 
I was awe-stricken, bewildered, amazed: 
I thought your letter was only to tell, 
That my beloved and worshiped had fell — 
That she whom I loved was no more. 
My anguish ne'er had such hight before. 
A thousand thoughts ran thro' my brain — 
That I should ne'er see my beloved again I 
A sudden chill — and with breath suppressed, 
I broke the seal and hoped the best. 
And as the writing met my eye, 
I could but breathe a heavy sigh. 
Yet when the eye three lines had seen, 
A ray of hope just then did gleam : 
Again I breathed and hastened to know — 
Whose signet was on the page below; 
T was then transfixed, by magic spell. 



t;.5 

As I read the name of Samuel Bell. 
Not that it was out of place or rhyme — 
To read your name at such a time, 
But the dread thought of my after life, 
To be spent without a loving wife — 
Ran thro' my brain like molten lead, 
And then I wished, I too was dead. 
For life would drag heavily along — 
Without her cheerful and happy song ; 
For she was wont to cheer and bliss, 
And heal the wounded by a kiss; 
And give a new impetus to reflection. 
By her Godlike kindness and aifection. 
I thank you for your present favor, 
And freely forgive your past behavior ; 
Tho' not grossly bad, I thought it so — 
It caused me many a tear of woe: 
When I thought of her I left behind — 
To the mercies of a world so blind, 
To right, and worth, and emulation. 
And full of cruel black dissimulation. 
You too helped to roll the ball, 
As in your way it chanced to fall: 
But anon, 'twill serve no end. 
Or, rather aggravate or tend — 
To excite your hate or malice, 
Instead of a cheering solace. 
Your grief just now I fear is great, 
Which is apparent by your state. 
You thought when England's shores I left, 
That Martha was of support bereft ; 
And that I, like a crouching slave. 
Would seek some foreign unseen cave. 
And selfishly spend my future life — 
Without my children or my wife ; 
To know whether such prophecy be true, 
I'll leave the matter now with you. 



Your letter I read witli anxious care. 

And breathed the while a sacred praver — 

For my wife and children too, 

ISTot forgetting yours and you. 

'Tis needless in me to try — 

To emulate so high, 

As to enchant you by verse, 

As mine to you may averse ; 

But this I'll try, to make a rhyme, 

That will serve at least in course of time, 

To show my children that truth must be — 

The motto of life — and ever free ! 

Poetry, 'tis said, is an external sign, 

Of innate thought, of love divine — 

Of malice, hatred, or revenge — 

Enemies to conquer or avenge. 

With me 'tis only the mere wish, 

To feast from the same dish. 

Some have feasted in ideal themes, 

Of frightful tales, or fairy dreams, 

Without the wish to mend the world: 

Or see the flag of truth unfurled. 

That this earth might a brighter aspect wear; 

To propagate the beautiful, the fair; 

That each and all might one jubilee sing — 

To one general parent — Nature's King; 

That their thrilling meeds of praise — 

Might form a succession of holydays. 

For aught I know, Heaven is here ; 

For despised is king, queen, and peer. 

^'es, it may e'en now surround me. 

Oh ! that it were but around thee. 

If there is aught on earth to inspire — 

The genial feelings of poetic tire. 

Or make the philosopher seek a higher sphere 

For geirins and worth, it is hero. 



bi 



To say notbiug- of the natural beauties aroiiiul, 

That here and everywhere abound: 

In gorgeous splendor — on mountain and vale, 

On forest, on prairie, on hill, or on dale; 

By river, or lake, by sea, or by land. 

So sweet in their beauty — on every hand : 

The delicious fruits, so sweet and so rare ; 

The beautiful flowers, all smiling and fair: 

Dame nature to this country hath given — 

The solids of earth and the sweets of a heaven. 

The people too are noble and great; 

They worship no Cockatoo of State ; 

Their brains from all such thraldom are clear; 

They know no distinction like peasant and peer : 

They'r hostile too, to every wrong, 

And liberty's in their every song. 

They teach their youths to hate and despise — 

All hypocrites who would them advise, 

To be contented with their lot, 

Whether born in palace or in cot. 

And when English hypocrites come here, 

To seek a more speculative sphere — 

For pride, for vanity, and fame, 

Who think Americans are the same: 

As those whom they helped to enslave, 

Or bury in n patriot's grave. 

By teaching a stupid and blind submission ; 

To all priestly and kingly decision. 

Here the people do them greatly pity, 

In every hamlet, town, or city: 

They know that 'tis only home slavery — 

That makes them practice such knavery. 

Think you would it not be right to say, 

That they came in the wrong day: 

That they came rather too late ; 

And that their writings are out of date. 

"Tis likely they are silly enough to think — 



055 

That they can at truth and justice wink; 

And by their slavish poetry and prose — 

Lead the people by the nose. 

It may, without levity, be said — 

That they'r spirits from the dead, 

Of three hundred years ago — 

When kings and queens were all the go; 

When people were like cattle. 

And had no claims to settle: 

When peers the people owned, 

And worked them until they groaned. 

But I only want them to know — 

That while they cut so great a show; 

It seems to be rather savory, 

As if they were helpers of slavery : 

Yet such may not be their intention, 

Or have caused them much apprehension ; 

Perhaps 'tis the want of light and truth — 

That makes them write so very smooth. 

If so, 'twill take some of the renown. 

From Sir Henry Bulwer Lytton, the Clown: 

I mean, of worthless political twaddle; 

With which he so oft' the people saddle. 

Could I but change the literary switch. 

And throw such twaddlers "in the last ditch," 

It would give me more infinite pleasure — 

Than the finding of a world of treasure. 

G. — P. — R. — James and he. 

Have fully disgusted me. 

But to keep out of confusion, 

I will come to a conclusion. 

Believe me, T am, as ever, 

Your Son-in-law, 

WM. BOYB, M. D. 

Mr. S. Bell, 

Bedford Beds, England, Europe. 



TUb Eiugma. 



Guess, thoLiglitful reader, if you can, 

( )r nanie this bright, this generous uiaii — 

Vulgar minds would him fain abuse, 

Error and wrong, with Unked hands, misuse; 

Regardless of truth and virtue's claim: 

Ne'r read his speeches but in vain. 

On bells of trufh, in every nation. 

Rings his voice for Emancipation ! 

Lever of power, and scourge of kings I 

Oh ! bear it thither on truthful wings. 

United in one, are his fame, and his goodness: 

In truth lies his worth, and great is his shrewdness. 

Solid his thoughts, and sure are his ways; 

Knowledge the greatest foundation he lays: 

Of kings and usurpers the truth he doth tell ; 

So clear, and so purely, his ideas swell; 

So natural his genius — so pure and so good — 

Unmeasured by time, unspoken by mood. 

To take the first letter of each line, 

How sweet are the truths essayed in the rhyme. 

Perth Amboy, April 12, 1852. 

DEMEO FIEFORMEO! 



Til Mise ©Bx)ilia Maran. 



Miss Mon.VN was n yoiiiii;- linly, of New York City, \\\w worked i'or mv, both 
in New York City and in Perth Amboy, N. J. She was of Irish parents, 
very handsome, and a most beautiful singer. The reader will find, upon ex- 
amination of the following piece, that it is somewhat singular in its con- 
struction. By commencing with the first letter of the first line and the first 
one of the third line — that is, by skipping one each time — you will find an 
Acrostic on the above-named young lady. 

Could I in a line or two — 

Impress you with a fact, 
Enchant you with a verse or two, 

And make you think — reilect. 
Could I encourage you to try, 

To use that gift of Heaven ; 
Innate it doth lie — 

In that brain that God hath given. 
Latent as the sun's sweet light — 

Are thy faculties for brightness, 
In truth's own battle let them fight; 

Oh ! spend them not in lightness. 
All nature lies before thee! 

Like unpolished hidden gema; 



71 

May a worthy yet adore tliee, 

And foster nature's germs. 
Onward ! let your motto be, 

In search of truth Divine, 
Eesolved thro' every mist to see — 

With brightness may you shine! 
As a child, sister, lover, and wife. 

To make your life worth having, 
ISTe'er foster any strife, 

And live a life for Heaven. 




HUMAN RIGHTS 



AND 



KING ANDY; 



OR, THE 



g^jiostat^ Ipr^sidpi 



^v\^ii.li^m: BOYD, m:. d., 

THE AUTHOR AND PUBLISHER. 
4Sri Virsrinia Avenue, Wasliin-aton, D. O. 



JOSEPH L. PEARSON. PRINTER. 
l.S()7. 



fc€^ 




WILLIAM BOYD, M. D., 




GIVES ADVICE TO 



LADIES A^ND aE:NTLElMlT;TN 

About to get married, or those wlio liave children, the 

education best suited to their capacity;' and 

will visit any address in the District 

of Columbia, on receipt of 

A note with two dollars enclosed 

TO IlsrST7E,:E ^^TTEIsTD^^nsrCE. 
And is id so ready to give 

delineation I Cl)art of Cljaracfer 



To anv one who may favor him with a call iif 



423 Virginia Avenue, bet. 1st and 2d sts. west, 



WaaHKl'Bfilt, 1). I 



f 



WILLIAM BOYD, M. D., 



^^..^.CALPHK, 



j^jsriD 



^A.»l 



TnTO- 4rS3 ^II^a-T:tTIJL J^-V^ZEINTTJIE, 



'Between 7st and 2d sfs. wes/. 



DR. WILLIAM BOYD'S 

Excelsior and Magically Curative 

Hllflll 



WARRANTED TO CURE 

Chronic Coughs, Common Colds, Nervous Headache, Inflam- 
matory Rheumatism,. Pore Throat, Chills, N"ight 
Sweats, Intermittent, Bilious, Gastric, 
or other fevers; 

Hooplmf Coiiffh in less than a iveeh', 

• ■■ * 

If the patient -will iil^staln from Alcoliolie T^i- 
qiiorfs and iNai'eoti<- I'oisoiis alt<*sel lier. 






It will cure Oronp or Cholic in a few minutes, and is far superior lo 
any cordial or laudanuni for restless infants, to expel their fevers and make lliem 
ST,EEP; and has no evil effects, like alcoholic or narcotic poisons, quinine or 
mercury-. In fact, it has no equal in the world as a simple curative of the above- 
named maladies. Try it, and prove its good qualities! Send your orders at 
once to 

MAXUFACTURER AND PROPRIETOR, 

423 Virginia Ave., bet. 1st and 2d sts. west, 



16oz. 


bottle, 


12oz. 


do. 


8oz. 


do. 


4oz. 


do. 


2oz. 


do. 



$2 00 

1 50 

1 00 

50 

25 

'^ff" All Orders iitiisf he accompanied hi/ flir ('nsli. 



i>iiji:c 'i^io^fj-i. Fon TJ.<^i-:: 

"dult, one tablespoonful every eight hours; youths, half-dose; infants, one- 
quarter dose; case of Croui. or Oholic. full dose: Pneumonia, one-and-a iialf; 
Chills and Fever, double dose. One bottle will cure a whole family of coniinon 
Colds. 

WILLIAM BOYD, M. D., 

Praciical I^/i>/sicinn mul J^lncnol.ogist, 



54 tf 






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